Critical Thinking About Green Politics
Tuesday, 10 June 2008
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Pick Your Poison – Facts to be used when discussing nuclear power
Jean-Luc Cooke
There are a lot of emotions when the words "Nuclear Power" (pronounced 'new-clear pow-err') are said these days. The images of WW2 mushroom clouds, allusions to Chernobyl, and the disposal problem are burned into our minds. We search for sources of power that are both safe and bountiful but none exist that can displace our current solutions – so we must choose the lesser of available evils. The purpose of this essay is to present the facts as objectively and quantitatively as possible so we can all have an educated discussion on the nuclear energy source. After all, nuclear fission is not as common as the combustion energy sources we're used to.Let's consider the implications to removing all coal, oil and natural gas fired generating stations in Ontario. Removing 3.3 GigaWatts of electrical generation from Ontario would represent about 17.7% of total generating capability. How would this be replaced, assuming no change to consumption? There are no viable large hydroelectric sites, photovoltaic (PV) solar panels consume immense power for production, and wind turbines are almost as costly as PV cells. And as we know in government – management costs will kill you if you have 100s of small projects so it's "go big or go home" when we're taking about the electrical grid.
Starting with the fuel of nuclear power, Uranium-238 (unsuitable for fuel) accounts for over 99% of all natural Uranium and has a half-life of 4,470 million years (higher the half-life, the less radioactive the material). Uranium-235 (fuel and weapons grade) accounts for less than 1% and has a half-life of 704 million years. In other words, natural uranium is weakly radioactive. By comparison Carbon-14 – a natural source of radioactivity found in all living things – has a half-life of 5,730 years (0.005 million years). C-14 is radiologically toxic in comparison to U-238 and U-235. The dreaded Plutonium-239 has a half-life of 24,100 years.
Let's look at the reactor used in Canada – the legendary CANDU. I will not use the term "legendary" without qualification. The CANadian Deuterium Uranium rectors were conceived, designed, developed, and constructed in Canada by the predecessor of Atomic Energy Canada Limited (AECL) in the 1950s. But since Canada was (is?) a peaceful nation, there were no Uranium enrichment facilities available the reactor design used unenriched Uranium. Enrichment is there process which increases the concentration of U-235 from <1% to about 9% to reach criticality easier. Without getting too into it, this is accomplished by the geometry of the reactor core and is the reason it takes days to start-up a CANDU. Remember the blackout of 2003? A safety side-effect of this is if the rector starts to overheat, the core will soften then deform and break the geometry thereby breaking criticality – the nuclear chain reaction will slow down and not run-away to a meltdown. Put simply, Three Mile Island and Chernobyl wouldn't have happened if they used CANDU reactors.
Ok then, how much material is used in generating electricity using CANDU reactors? One litre of Diesel fuel – like that used in oil fire generating stations – has an energy density of 45.47 MegaJoules per kilogram (or about 0.0126 MegaWatt-Hours per kilogram). According to the IAEA and the World Nuclear Fuel Market more than 55.5 MegaWatt-Hours of electricity is generated in a CANDU for every kilogram of Uranium. That's a 4,400-fold higher energy density than oil and enough to power a home for over 4.5 years. Downside is the waste is just about the nastiest stuff imaginable. But it can be refined and reacted a second and even a third time in a CANDU reactor. Once it's totally spent, the waste is stowed away. By contrast, combustion generation is released into the atmosphere and you know the CO2 story there.
Now what about the safety of combustion energy? Let's look at the tar sands as an example of safety. Here is a link to a satellite view of a settling pond where waste from the tar sand processing is left to separate. Notice how there is only 400 meters separating it from the Athabasca River (a 1,200 km river, 9th longest in Canada). If we talk about nuclear waste accidents and meltdowns, let's talk about the cost of a spill from one of these ponds into the Athabasca River. The cost would be incalculable. Exxon Valdez spilled 41.6 million liters of oil across 760 kilometers of shoreline. A break in the levee of a major settling pond in Fort McMurray would be on the same scale.
Uranium mining is nothing like working in a power plant. Because of the relatively low concentrations of uranium in the ore pitchblende, most mines are open-pit and resemble a quarry. The workers don't wear protective equipment because of the low radioactivity (high half-life). In fact, it's adequate that they're inside the cabin of a dump truck. The principle risk from Uranium mining isn't the uranium itself since it has such a low half-life; but a by-product of Uranium decay – the noble gas Radon with a half life measured in hours. Though in vanishingly low concentrations, Radon is airborne and highly radioactive. Uranium is not airborne (being 70% denser than lead) and not a risk to any surrounding population – at least no more dangerous than mining for any other mineral.
So there you have it – the details. Now that it's served on a silver platter you can call shenanigans on someone who spews nonsense. And as a bonus, be able to impress them by how much you know about "nuke-yeah-lerr" power. And the best part is – you'll back it up with a strong bibliography so show that you aren't a nuclear industry lobbyist. Because we all know there are 10's of 1000's of them out there, right?
Jean-Luc Cooke's online persona is SmellsLikeFries - a source of cluons in the bogosity of online green howto's. Through his blog and YouTube videos,
he tries to educate using his own real-life experience and factual
analysis. In 2005 he converted his Diesel Jetta to run on waste cooking
oil (not biodiesel as he professes in his blog). Since 2007 he's been helping a friend get off the grid with a 1930's design generator also using used cooking oil. In 2008 he finally got his zero emissions furnace
(ground source heat pump) installed to complement the usual composting,
gardening and shopping choices made in the home.
Tuesday, 03 June 2008
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Green guns: how to protect our fisheries
Jay Fitzsimmons
As a biologist, a former resident of Newfoundland, a GPC member, and a human, I am deeply concerned with the fate of fish stocks of the Grand Banks east of Newfoundland. I am especially concerned with the plight of cod, as they are the poster-fish for many similar fish population collapses in the North Atlantic. After population declines of more than 99% since the early 1960’s cod population levels have not yet recovered since the cod moratorium was imposed in the early 1990’s (COSEWIC, 2003). A number of factors hinder cod recovery including their mating system (Rowe & Hutchings, 2003), their evolution to smaller adults as a result of overfishing (Hutchings, 2005), and seal predation (Trzcinski et al., 2006).The Canadian government has the capacity to do several things to improve the likelihood of recovery of cod and other fish stocks, from offering incentives to university and government scientists to conduct applied fisheries research, to reducing by-catch rates in non-target fisheries through changes in regulations and monitoring. In this essay I propose two related strategies which I call “Operation Guardian” and “Operation Fish Without Borders” for recovery of cod and other Atlantic fisheries. These strategies require cooperation among the Department of Fisheries and Oceans (DFO), Department of National Defence (DND), Department of Natural Resources (NRCAN), and Department of Foreign Affairs and International Trade (DFAIT). These strategies will be expensive and difficult to implement, and may anger the governments and corporate elite of several countries, but they may increase the prospects for fish of the Grand Banks, and would likely increase popularity for whatever governing party implements it with vigour.
Step One: Diplomacy
In agreement with the United Nations (UN) Convention on the Law of the Sea, of which Canada is a signatory, Canada’s Exclusive Economic Zone currently extends 200 nautical miles offshore. This covers the middle of the Grand Banks, but not its extremities (the ‘nose and tail’ of the Grand Banks), which are in international waters, with some rights given to American fishermen as part of the Treaty of Paris of 1783. We should submit to the UN Commission on the Limits of the Continental Shelf (www.un.org/depts/los/clcs_new/clcs_home.htm) a proposal to extend the Canadian continental shelf to include all of the Grand Banks. Australia made a similar proposal in November 2004 off its shores, and in April 2008 the Commission extended Australia’s continental shelf by 2.5 million km2 (www.abc.net.au/news/stories/2008/04/21/2223353.htm). Thus a three or four year timeline should be sufficient to expect a decision on whether or not Canada can extend its legal limits to include all of the Grand Banks.
Step Two: Systems Preparation
The Prime Minister (PM) must appoint a Minister of Fisheries and Oceans who excels at facilitation, organization, and getting tasks accomplished. The PM must make Operation Guardian and Operation Fish Without Borders high priorities and personally ensure full cooperation among the departments involved.
Instructions should be given to DFO and NRCAN (including the Canada Centre for Remote Sensing) to determine the most effective methods of detecting the presence of fishing vessels along the Grand Banks. Operating procedures should be developed using the best existing technology, and staff for the appropriate departments trained on vessel detection and communication procedures. Coast Guard and naval vessels should be trained on exercises that practice interception of, communication with, and boarding of fishing vessels. Systems should be integrated, staff should be trained, and everything should be functional before any announcements are made. Extra naval vessels should be sent to Atlantic Canada from elsewhere in the world to bolster our local fleet.
Step Three: Operation Guardian
Our Prime Minister should announce Operation Guardian, a new get-tough approach to illegal fishing in Canadian waters (we take no action beyond our borders yet) to a crowd in St. John’s harbour. Any illegal off-shore fishing vessels will be escorted to the nearest Canadian port and confiscated. Notice of this policy should be sent to all foreign governments, with ambassadors ensuring their host countries appreciate our resolve in this matter. Domestic fisheries interests should likewise be made aware that illegal vessels will be confiscated whether foreign or domestic.
Our naval and Coast Guard resources should be deployed as planned to detect illegal vessels in our waters. Upon detection of an illegal foreign vessel (it is important our first example be made with a foreign vessel instead of a domestic one), media should be invited to join the fleet as it intercepts the vessel. The presence of media will likely deter any violent confrontation. Armed ships and military helicopters should be deployed in an intimidating demonstration of force. Naval staff should communicate with the offending vessel by official channels to inform it of its transgression and order it to be escorted to port. Translators with loudspeakers should assure the workers on board that we will provide them with flights back to their port of origin, to ensure their cooperation.
If the vessel does not comply with our orders, military staff would be instructed to board the vessel using force if necessary. Appropriate procedures would be followed, including warning shots fired across the bow and surrounding of the vessel by Canadian ships and helicopters. To reduce the risk of violence, diplomatic staff should attempt to secure agreement from the government of the vessel’s country of origin that it should comply with our orders, and notice of this statement be communicated to the vessel and its workers. Media coverage of our military actions should be very appealing to news agencies, so we should make every effort to ensure things go smoothly.
Step Four: Public Relations
I suggest St. John’s as the port of detention even if it is not the closest Canadian port because there is great public support there for Canadian enforcement of fisheries, and cheering people will likely gather at the port to witness this event. Public support of Operation Guardian will be important to its continued success, and media coverage is integral to this. The vessel’s journey to the port of St. John’s should take anywhere from hours to days, which provides sufficient time for the Minister of Fisheries and Oceans and perhaps the PM to come to St. John’s immediately. If the vessel’s interception was peaceful then the PM should take advantage of the media opportunity, but if there is concern over blowback then the Minister of Fisheries should be the public face of Canada’s government in St. John’s. Media should be granted escorted access to the military vessels for photo opportunities of the Minister / PM with staff who participated in the mission. Efforts should be taken to assure the media that workers from the offending vessel are being treated well and are being given enough good Newfoundland food to fill their guts.
Step Five: Confiscation
The workers of the vessel should be questioned to find out what they were fishing and where, and appropriate materials displayed to the media (eg, nets full of fish). Workers, including the ship’s captain, would be deported to their port of origin by flight, courtesy of the Canadian government. The vessel itself would be taken over by Canada. This most likely contravenes international law; Canada should ignore this law and confiscate the vessel anyway. The vessel should be sold to the highest bidder and proceeds directed to continued Fisheries & Oceans activities including Operation Guardian. If the ship is not considered sea-worthy it could be sunk to help construct a marine reserve.
Step Six: Fish Without Borders
If the UN Commission grants Canada an extended continental shelf, then we should extend Operation Guardian for the entire Grand Banks. If the UN declines our request or delays it unnecessarily then we should extend Operation Guardian for the entire Grand Banks anyway, calling the international portion of the operation “Fish Without Borders.” By this point Operation Guardian will have been ongoing for a year or two, and we would be able to make the argument that we are investing great resources into ensuring the conservation of fisheries. Fish do not have passports, and do not recognize international borders. If fish are being harvested along parts of the Grand Banks then their conservation at the rest of the Grand Banks serves only to supply international harvest at the expense of Canadian fisheries. This is illogical for conservation, economic, and political reasons. Our extension of Operation Guardian to the rest of the Grand Banks would be conducted in much the same way as the Canadian operation, with the exception that proceeds from sale of vessels confiscated in international waters would be directed to international, not domestic, benefit (perhaps funding for other countries’ marine reserves) to circumvent criticism that we are profiting from Operation Guardian.
Throughout Operation Guardian and Operation Fish Without Borders, our government should strive to enforce fishing regulations among domestic vessels as we do with international vessels. This would ensure our goal of conservation is not compromised by criticisms of hypocrisy and economic greed, and would help ensure continued fishing within the rules.
Anticipated Results
Conservation: In concert with other initiatives, Operation Guardian and Fish Without Borders would reduce fishing of our most vulnerable populations. This should increase their probability of recovery, so future generations of Newfoundlanders and fellow Canadians may continue our rich tradition of fishing.
Military: Increase in public support for our naval and coast guard forces (often overlooked compared to ground forces). Morale among naval staff would likely increase as a result of their contribution to a noble cause. Expenditures will be very high, so budget adjustments should be made accordingly.
International reputation: Our actions may cost us support from governments and fisheries-dependent corporations in countries such as Portugal and the United States. If our government plays its public relations cards well, though, our actions could contribute to a re-branding of the maple leaf among citizens internationally as a symbol of justice in the world.
Political support: Military enforcement of conservation could be dangerous politically. We must anticipate lives will be lost, and prepare the public for this likelihood so they are not shocked if it happens (and are pleasantly surprised if no lives are lost). Canadians can be highly supportive of our government standing up for our own interests and for what is right (eg, peacekeeping). Standing up for an issue that is both beneficial to Canada and conservation-oriented should be quite popular, just as Brian Tobin’s “turbot war” was in 1995. It should also symbolize a change in direction for Canada’s management of our fisheries, and earn respect among those who care for our natural resources.
Likelihood of Occurrence:
I hope the Green Party of Canada considers this strategy. It is possible that elected Green MPs would be asked to join cabinet to form a coalition government. A Green Minister of Fisheries and Oceans, and PM-enforced cooperation by other departments, could provide a great opportunity for the Green Party to demonstrate it is not just a bunch of nice hippies, but in fact a party that can make the tough decisions required for governance of Canada.
Jay is the Secretary of the Ottawa Centre EDA for the Green Party of
Canada. He is a PhD student in Biology at the University of Ottawa,
conducting research on topics as varied as the effects of climate
change on species ranges, freshwater zooplankton reproduction, and
forensic entomology. He lives with his fiancée Lauren who is also a
biologist ... they geek it up huge.
Thursday, 29 May 2008
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An Effective GPC Federal Council
Mark Taylor
This Saturday (May 31st) is the deadline for GPC members to decide whether or not they want to run for the “opportunity” to sit on the GPC’s Federal Council. Having held the role of Alberta Representative on Council, there are some eye-openers that potential Councilors need as well as some things for members to consider before casting their ballots.The Role of Federal Council and its Councilors
Much to the dismay and shock of some members, the Green Party is a business. The purpose of this business is to be a participant in the democratic process of Canada. To be a successful business in politics, parties need elected officials representing them in the Parliament. The Federal Council is the executive of that business.
So, in short, the Council’s role is to get Greens elected.
Because the GPC is a business, some business knowledge is necessary for Councilors. There are a good number of staff members within the party that answer to either the Executive Director or the Leader. They, in turn, report to Council. Further, with a multi-million dollar budget which expands dramatically when including a campaign budget, experience with these levels of expenses is necessary.
Because the GPC is a political party, some political knowledge is necessary for Councilors. Especially in a minority government, the winds of political unrest are always blowing. Councilors need to understand not only the capabilities of the GPC but must balance that against the capabilities of its competitors… the Liberals, the Conservatives, the NDP and the Bloc. As the role of Council is to elect Greens, Councilors have to bring forth strategic principles in order to successfully position the party, and individual candidates, to get elected.
So, again in short, Councilors should be able to read and comprehend a balance sheet, not be intimidated by the concept of millions of dollars in spending yet be able to discuss how to effectively spend that money to elect Green MPs.
What’s not the Role of Council and Councilors
Council is not to be the unwavering cheerleading squad of the Leader. While Elizabeth May has tremendously increased the national exposure of the GPC, she doesn’t know everything about every topic. While she has many tools at her disposal, a crystal ball is not one of them. Members should be very weary of voting for any potential Councilor whose primary goal is to be a support system for the Leader for they are doing the party a serious disservice. By putting partisanship before personal experience, that Councilor has now become a liability for the growth and development of the party. What most Councilors fail to comprehend is that by taking on the senior role of Councilor, they have already committed to supporting the Leader. If they fail to operate to their highest capacity by just being a “yes person”, they are ultimately failing the Leader and the party.
Council is not to be the bastion of consensus decision making processes. It is very clear that there is a vast range of experiences and opinions within the GPC and to expect the Council of 24 of these opinions to unanimously agree on every topic is insane. The business of the party comes to a massive halt while consensus is being obtained. What the result of consensus is, at the Council table, is an over-analyzed, extremely delayed decision that results in having no bearing due to lack of timeliness. Councilors should be having serious discussions on major topics facing the party and that will result in varying opinions of the best course of action. Consensus is not required for Council decisions. A willingness to agree with the majority of Council and provide a united front for the membership is required.
Council is not to be a two hour phone call once a month. For too many Councilors, this is the only involvement they have with Council business. Emails go unanswered, opinions are never shared and participation on teleconferences consists of keeping the dogs quiet to reduce background noise. The Federal Council is a time consuming volunteer position. It requires substantial reading of background documents, research into various topics, reading and responding to hundreds of weekly emails on top of a two hour phone call. The role of running a major political party should not be taken lightly.
Conclusion
I could go into more substantial length and detail but this is a journal entry, not a novel. What members need to realize when running for Council and voting for potential Councilors is that Council is a serious volunteer role within the party. Decisions made at that level have dramatic effects throughout the party. Failure to make decisions also have dramatic effects as the decision making process is then left to staff and EDAs to determine on their own.
Councilors are not entitled to their positions. Past histories of Council experience or previous party formation are not prerequisites for getting elected to current Councils. A history of underperformance is not something members should be putting into leadership roles.
Members should be challenging potential Councilors on why they are running and get them to elaborate on why they are qualified for the position as well as what they want to achieve as Councilors. If they can’t answer these simple questions, they should be leading the party.
It’s the same litmus test we give our elected officials and our candidates for the GPC.
Mark Taylor is a former Councilor, EDA
executive and campaign manager with the federal and provincial Green
Party. His day job is as a production
engineer with an agricultural machine producer in Saskatchewan. He and his wife are chasing two “soon-to-be
politicos” around the house. He blogs
here.
Friday, 02 May 2008
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GPC Fundraising Review
John Ogilvie
If you've read Mark Taylor's previous pieces, you know that I'm what he would call a 'politico' and even a 'hack'. It's true, I do enjoy working on the practical political stuff more than on policy. For example, I have always been interested in how to improve the way Greens raise money .
As a former member of federal council, I had a good look inside our fundraising process. But this article is based entirely on an external analysis, using data available to the public on the Elections Canada website. They just published the results for fundraising in Jan-Mar 2008, so it's a good time to take a look at the trends.
It's widely recognized that the Conservatives are the best-organized fundraisers in Canada. In the first quarter of this year, they raised $5 million, which is more than everybody else combined. Ouch.

The chart at left shows the past five quarters of CPC fundraising. Dollars in purple, donors in blue.
It shows them chugging along raising a steady $5 million each quarter, with a big dip in the summer months when nobody likes to think about politics.
Note that they seem to be raising this money from a stable donor base of about 40,000 people. Average donation is just over $100.
[Digression: As a political organizer and candidate, I've never been very excited about membership drives. I don't care if you spend $10 and join the party. I'll be happy if you donate $100 and volunteer to work on my campaign
]
Ok, let's see how the GPC is doing, for comparison (below).
The first thing to notice is that GPC is operating at a 10X smaller scale than CPC. We measure donations in hundreds of thousands, not millions. We measure donors in thousands, not tens of thousands.
Step back and think about this. In most polls, CPC gets the support of about 30-35 % of the voters, while GPC gets about 8-12%.
So the CPC has 3X or 4X times more supporters than we do, but they have 10X the donors. How do they do it? We need to learn.
There are two other things I notice. Our average donation is about $58, half the average CPC donation. GPC supporters do include improverished students, true, but our demographic also includes a lot of highly-educated, high-income people.
Secondly, something strange happened last quarter. We attracted a lot more donors but didn't raise any more money. (In other words, more people donated a smaller amount each.) My explanation - based on absolutely no actual information - is "donor fatigue". Maybe we are exhausting our small donor base.
I know that in my campaign we received the support of 5,514 voters - but I only have the names of 100 or so on a supporters/potential donors list. If GPC as a whole can connect with the 1,000,000 Canadians who say they're voting Green next time, we might begin to close the gap with the Conservatives.
I don't mean this as a criticism of the GPC's fundraising staff, who I know to be smart, hardworking people. I would like to see GPC do some deep thinking about how we rework our fundraising to be as effective at the grassroots as the CPC. Money doesn't win elections, but it doesn't hurt either..
John is a past and future GP candidate in the
Ottawa area. He was endorsed twice by the Ottawa Citizen, and finished
among the top five GPO campaigns in Oct 2007. He was elected to the GPC
Federal Council but resigned in Mar 07. John is currently running for
Deputy Leader of the GPO, and fighting for the right to face John Baird
federally. He blogs here.
Tuesday, 29 April 2008
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Hacks vs. Wonks
Mark Taylor
In my last article, I had commented on the differences between activists and politicos and their effectiveness in the political arena. The driving force behind this article is an analysis of the Alberta election and the Green Party’s role within it.
My first draft of the Alberta Greens performance was a particularly scathing one but, with a little time, I have taken a larger overview of the election. The difference is now a focus on why the Alberta Greens (not to mention the Alberta Liberals, NDP and Wildrose Alliance) failed instead of focusing on how they failed.
To understand the why, a differentation of politicos has to be defined and they are hacks and wonks. Both terms are relatively derogatory but, none-the-less, descriptive enough to distinguish the different the two distinct personalities within politics. While each has their own strengths, it is a balance of the two that results in successful politics and successful governing.
The first definition is that of a “wonk”, which is short for policy wonk. These individuals are the ideologically driven members of a party. Policy and principle are driving forces for these politicos. They spend the time researching policy, defining policy and ensuring that the principle of the party are upheld both internally and externally of the party. These members define themselves as “life-long” members and only change parties when they feel the party isn’t true to its principles.
“Hacks” are pretty much the antithesis of “wonks”. These individuals are the competitors of the party. Active democracy and developing political tools are the driving forces for these politicos. They spend their time developing strategies for the party, strengthening the organization and ensuring that a legitimate political machine is operational for an election. The challenge of winning entices them and are more likely to switch party allegiances or get behind a new leadership contender within the party.
From the definitions, it is pretty obvious why both are needed within a political party and why a balance of each is also necessary. Wonks develop the overall direction of a party. The developed policy determines whether the party is left-wing or right-wing, focused on a particular demographic or a “big tent”. Hacks put together the infrastructure to build membership, generate funds and develop a media presence.
It is impossible to win an election with wonks only, since the tools to win (messaging, money, membership) are completely lacking. While it is possible to win with hacks only, the resulting elected officials (or government) are lacking direction which becomes apparent after a short while.
Onto the Alberta example… the election was a prime example of a party of hacks taking on several parties of wonks. The end result was a crushing defeat of all opposition parties and a continuing public disinterest of democracy.
The Greens, Liberals, NDP and Wildrose Alliance were all parties heavily focused on policy. The Greens were resting on the policy they developed over the last six years to fill their 2008 platform. The Liberals updated much of their platform from 2004 which included usurping much of the Greens’ 2004 environmental planks. The NDP focus on typical NDP policies. The Wildrose Alliance spent much of their time trying to define themselves as true “conservatives” especially in literal sense of the word. What all these parties lacked was any party infrastructure to get elected into roles where these policies could be implemented.
The Liberals, who ran a near full slate, have no real presence in rural Alberta, which is key to forming government in this province, nor did they have much of a media presence.
The NDP ran a full slate but most of their candidates, outside of Edmonton, were paper candidates. As well, most of the NDP’s focus was turning Edmonton Liberal seats into NDP ones which resulted in vote-splitting and Conservative taking the seats. The
Wildrose Alliance was a merger of the Alberta Alliance and Wildrose Party, two right-of-centre parties, though this merger happened a couple of weeks before the writ drop and the combined party could field more than 57 (out of 83) candidates, most who were also paper.
The Greens, who I was involved with during the campaign, were the prime example of why wonks don’t win. Despite 4 years of advance knowledge of this election, very little was done to prepare. There were only two constituency associations formed in four years, only $20,000 was raised in 2007 and less than 30 candidates were identified by the writ drop.
The first two weeks of a four week campaign were spent trying to locate over 50 paper candidates, garnering the registration signatures for each candidate and raising the funds to cover the registration costs. The platform was hastily put out midway through the campaign and was poorly received including a failing grade on the post-secondary education plank. There was no Leader’s Tour as the Leader was busy trying to be the campaign manager and communications director. In short, the campaign was… unprepared, underfunded and only saw positive growth due to running more paper candidates than in 2004.
The provincial Progressive Conservatives and federal Conservatives are two examples of what happens when there is a misbalance of hacks in a party. In the Alberta election, the PC war machine generated millions of dollars in funding, had their candidates in place (with the exception of a couple) well in advance, advertising was in place and signs were ordered. Even the bastion of public policy announcement, the Throne Speech, was used as campaign tool (it was the announcement of a writ drop and the PC’s first campaign speech) instead of promoting the government priorities.
Throughout the election, despite numerous gaffs by the Premier and PC candidates, they controlled messaging and had the only party with a legitimate GOTV machine. This resulted in most of the province not showing up to vote and the majority of those that did, voted for the current government.
What will become evident in the coming months with the provincial government, as has already happened with their federal counterparts, is that once the agenda starts moving away from the controlled message, the government starts to look lost and lacking direction. The Stephen Harper led Conservative Party won a minority government on a controlled message focused on 5 key points, maintained control throughout the election on its candidates and raised millions of dollars from a substantial database of supporters. Off the start of their mandate, the Conservatives looked strong as the agenda was focused on their key points. However, even to the surprise the governing party, the Conservatives managed to stay in power much longer than anticipated. The major issues facing the federal government right now (weak economy, Afghanistan, environment) were not part of the Conservative messaging and they are at a loss in handling these portfolios.
Instead of embracing the wonks of their party, the Conservative hacks silenced them in order to win. The result is a lack of policy or advocates for those policies within the Conservative ranks. For example, instead of embracing the ideas that MPs like Garth Turner promote, he was kicked out of caucus for speaking out against the hacks. Now with a recession looming and the environment being a major issue with voters, having a wonk like Turner in the Conservative ranks would allow them to expand their ability to govern. Now, the Liberal Party gets to utilize Turner’s skills instead of the government.
To summarize, there are generally two types of politicos: hack and wonks. Each has a specific role to play within the party. Those parties that understand and embrace the value of each of these players, the more successful they are. Failure to ensure a balance within the party will result in the party looking like it’s adrift in the sea of policy or, worse, never be electable.
Mark Taylor was elected to the Federal Council of the GPC but resigned in Mar 08. Mark was a
campaign manager in the recent Alberta
election. Mark's day job is as an engineer in the oil and gas industry. He and his
wife are “chasing two little soon-to-be politicos around the house.” He blogs here.
Friday, 25 April 2008
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Stay Tuned - writers hard at work
This journal happened Rather Quickly, and it is taking our deepest green thinkers some time to prepare worthy 1000-word essays.
Do not despair. Despite the beautiful Spring weather in most parts of Canada, some very smart Greens are putting pen to paper.
Some of the topics which are in the pipeline are:
- a more muscular approach to foreign overfishing in Atlantic Canada (think sinkings)
- the future Green campaign AGAINST biofuels
- we can send a man to the moon. Why can't we invent a proper battery?
- environmental arguments for nuclear power (you knew it was coming..)
- Tired: climate change in the future. Wired: global fuel and food shortages today.
- $1 billion a year in Afghanistan buys us .. what, again?
Green principles, but clear - even controversial - thinking. This is a new century and voters expect some new ideas..
- a more muscular approach to foreign overfishing in Atlantic Canada (think sinkings)
Wednesday, 23 April 2008
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Activists & Politicos
Mark Taylor
Recently I was asked to do a review of the Alberta election and how the provincial Green Party did in this campaign. The Alberta campaign post-mortem will be the subject of a separate post. As I was pulling notes together on the election and the provincial campaign, several themes were presenting themselves. Having been involved with the federal Greens as well, as an elected Federal Councillor, I saw these same themes forming in the upcoming federal campaign. The problems stem from the internal culture within the Green Party.If the Greens truly want to succeed in the political arena, the culture needs to be changed otherwise the party will remain a “one-issue” protest vote who will eventually return to fringe status and be nothing more than a footnote in Canadian history.
Keep in mind that the Greens are a relatively young party, compared to other national parties, having been formed roughly 25 years ago. The rationale of the formation of the party was simply to create another avenue to bring environmental issues forward during elections.
It is clearly evident that party development and party building was not a priority for the Greens in the early days. As examples:
- There was 5 years between the first two general meetings of the Party (1983 & 1988).
- Between 1983 and 2000, the GPC slate never ran more than 111 candidates or earned more than 0.81% of the national vote.
- Former Leader Jim Harris has stated that in his leadership campaign in 2003 he called the entire membership of 800 people.
This final point is particularly noteworthy when you compare this fact to:
- Art Hanger, while campaigning for the nomination in Calgary Northeast, signed up 12,000 new members in that one riding, or
- Joe Volpe, in his failed campaign to become federal Liberal Party leader, signed up 35,000 new members.
It would be safe to say that up until 2003, the Green Party was only a political party in name only. Most of the membership was environmental activists who were not only Green Party members but also heavily involved with a range of environmental groups (i.e. Greenpeace, Sierra Club, etc.). As such, the Party was being run by people who were exceptionally strong at organizing protests and rallies against government but had little to no experience in forming an organization whose mandate is to become government.
This is where the distinction between activism and politics, and their respective participants, has to be defined.
Activism is an end-goal driven activity. Regardless of the cause, the purpose of activism is to reach a specific goal and activists are focused on obtaining this goal by any and all means possible.
Politics, on the other hand, is a process driven activity. While there is generally an end-goal defined, politicos focus on following proper processes in order to reach the end-goal.
The best way to define this difference is how the activists and politicos interact with people in order to reach the end goal.
Activists use a range of tactics starting with letter writing campaigns to sit-ins to rallies/demonstrations to direct confrontation to force a change in actions in order of obtaining a final solution. Force is the correct word because the actions are all centered on forcing a change of action by frustration, embarrassment, harassment or intimidation. Regardless of whether the actions of the activists are successful, relations between the parties are extremely volatile as things like decorum, trust and respect are non-existent and unlikely to ever form.
Not only are the personal interactions of a negative scope but so is the outlook. Many of these activists will be heard stating that they are “happy” that other parties are “stealing” Green policies. This is a defeatist attitude because they are more focused on the idea being forwarded than the party.
Politicos, with their focus on processes, develop relationships with decision makers in order to affect change. The tools of politicos are influence, barter and negotiation. In all of these cases there is either the exchange of goods or ideas that result obtaining final results. However to use these tools, personal relationships need to be formed and these require things like trust and respect to be in place throughout.The politicos believe in the institution of democracy and see the party system as the means of implementing policy. The outlook is based that the ideas can only be implemented by forwarding the party via the processes defined by democracy (i.e. Elections Canada and Parliament) and building relationships with the voters.
This is where the culture within the Green Party needs to change. The Green Party is a registered political party that operates within the rules of democracy in Canada. If the Green Party wants to truly participate in the political system, the volunteers and staff within the party needs to embrace the fact they are a political party and not an environmental non-profit organization.
If/when this epiphany happens, this is when the focus of the party will be on party development and growth.
- Riding associations will be formed in all electoral districts.
- Volunteers will be trained in voter identification, getting out the vote and fundraising.
- Candidates will learn policy outside of environmentalism and develop skills like public speaking and networking.
- Members will spend more time becoming better political players instead of better environmentalists.
Mark Taylor was elected to the Federal Council of the GPC but resigned in Mar 08. Mark was a
campaign manager in the recent Alberta
election. Mark's day job is as an engineer in the oil and gas industry. He and his
wife are “chasing two little soon-to-be politicos around the house.” He blogs here.
Saturday, 19 April 2008
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Welcome to the Dark Green Journal
John Ogilvie
To commemorate Earth Day 2008, I've decided to launch a new online political journal, the Dark Green Journal. It's inspired by venerable partisan politic magazines such as the National Review, and New Republic. Over decades, these magazines allowed conservatives and progressives to "think out loud" to a sophisticated political audience. It's time Greens had the same chance. Note that this is not an official GP project and never will be
It's safe to say that every major policy enacted by government had it's origins years earlier in a political journal.
The intention here is to publish well-written, thoughtful essays on Green Politics. I will be inviting various Green writers to address topics of interest, and I hope to develop a set of contributors who publish here regularly.
The intended audience is professional Green political workers, mostly in Canada. Folks, we don't have to be paid to be professsional. This includes organizers, local leadership, candidates, and policy wonks.
Which means that you can assume readers are already knowledgable about current thinking on Green political issues. So the challenge here is to go beyond current thinking. Who wants to hear the same old Green rant about Kyoto? We want to hear new ideas, new proposals that are grounded in fundamental Green principles but which are fresh, creative and even controversial.
The "Dark" Green label is just a convenient way to label new, pragmatic, solution-oriented Green thinking. "Left-wing" and "right-wing" labels don't stick to proper Greens, so let's use "light" and "dark" to frame the discussion. Traditional Green politics I label "light green". To oversimplify cruelly, these are the values of the green movement which emerged more than thirty years ago. "No nukes, ban the seal hunt, bicycles for everyone.." Some of these values have become mainstream (recycling for example). But many others have proven to be indigestible to mainstream voters. That's what we want to change.
Dark green politics is a recognition that the these voters are now taking Green parties seriously, and they are looking for evidence that there is more to us than slogans. They want to see that we are mature enough to be trusted with political power. To do that we need to offer more realistic, workable policy solutions. And we also need to leave behind the traditional Green revulsion of party politics, and do politics itself with more professionalism.
So I will be inviting some (usually contrarian) green bloggers to contribute articles for this journal. If you have an idea for a piece, drop me a line.
Essays should be on either Green policy or political strategy, and of interest to a wide green audience. Present a constructive criticism of current Green thinking, present a positive alternative, tie it to your own experience in green campaigns if you can. One thousand words is a good length. Justify your position with external research.
A well-written piece will leave the reader saying "I didn't know that.." and "I never saw it that way!"
Happy Earth Day, people!
John is a past and future GP candidate in the
Ottawa area. He was endorsed twice by the Ottawa Citizen, and finished among the top five GPO campaigns in Oct 2007. He was elected to the GPC Federal Council but resigned in Mar 07. John is currently running for Deputy Leader of the GPO, and fighting for the right to face John Baird federally. He blogs here.

